Time to call “fake news” by its real name: propaganda
The term “fake news” has been IN the news a lot recently, especially related to President-elect Trump’s weaponizing of the term during his most recent news conference. But I’m inclined to agree with Washington Post media columnist Margaret Sullivan’s view that the term has lost its currency and meaning.
But I’m going to go a bit further than Margaret might to say that we should start using a different term that is less of a euphemism when it’s employed — as it so often is — to support the administration about to enter into power. That non-euphemistic term is propaganda.
As Americans, we have a visceral, negative reaction to that term. That’s like manipulation and brain-washing, right? Our leaders don’t engage in that, do they? That’s the stuff of totalitarian regimes such as Nazi Germany or the Cold War-era Soviets, isn’t it?
Sadly, not any more.
The largest part of what is in this post is based on something I actually wrote more than six months ago, citing some statements and practices of then-candidate Trump during the presidential campaign, for a book project. For this post it is updated with a few more-up-to-date examples and links. (The passage is scheduled to appear in an updated version of a book that colleague Lauren Vicker and I published a number of years ago. The second edition is in production now.)
No mass communication theory book would be complete without a discussion of propaganda, which was among the first mass communication phenomena that faced careful study. So a chapter of the book that examines early years of communication research looks at seminal work about propaganda such as that done by Harold Lasswell, and also the Institute for Propaganda Analysis. The institute was best known for its identification of seven devices that propagandists use in their work. Even as a candidate, Trump showed mastery of these practices and it appears he will continue to do so as president.
The seven devices, and Trump’s propensity for using them, are as follows:
Name calling — Trump had a belittling label for many of his opponents in the Republican primaries. Florida Senator Marco Rubio was called “Little Marco.” Texas Senator Ted Cruz became “Lyin’ Ted.” When the general election came around, Democrat opponent Hillary Clinton was constantly referred to as “Crooked Hillary.” Other favorite epithets, used frequently toward journalists, politicians or anyone else who offended Trump, were “pathetic” and “loser.” His most recent targets in this regard were actress Meryl Streep and Congressman (and civil-rights icon) John Lewis.
Transfer — Trump presented his business success as his main qualification for the presidency. For example, he claims to be such a good negotiator that he can persuade Mexico to pay for a wall to prevent illegal border crossings, a statement he made as recently as during his Jan. 11 news conference. He made similar claims about negotiating with China, NATO allies, and other countries to conduct US foreign policy.
Testimonial — Getting an endorsement from another respected politician is one of the most common ways candidates seek to build their credibility. (Advertising that uses product endorsements by celebrities is another example of this device.) For his part, Trump earned endorsements from several leading Republican officials, including some of his original primary opponents. Even some leading Republican politicians who were initially reluctant to back him, such as Speaker of the House Paul Ryan, eventually did.
Glittering generality — Trump repeatedly promised to “Make America Great Again.” However, during the campaign he never explained what qualities embodied greatness and how, specifically, he planned to implement them. (He still hasn’t.) He also has never specified what “Again” means, never saying what era of history he has in mind to which he seekst a return. His policy ideas also continue to lack specifics, such as exactly what a replacement of the Affordable Care Act will entail.
Card stacking — When Trump did inject specifics into his campaign rhetoric, the facts he used were so selective that he was often accused of misconstruing or misrepresenting them, as his scorecards with Politifact and Factcheck.org illustrate. Just three of many examples: some of the credit he’s taken for “saving jobs” when companies were already planning to make the changes to their operations anyway, and his cherry-picking of health-cost and crime statistics. (Factcheck found numerous such problems even with his most recent news conference.)
Plain folks — Trump’s main appeal was to working-class, older, white voters who were fearful of a decline in their status because of social and economic changes in recent years. Despite being personally wealthy, Trump sought to identify with this group through promises to protect them against anyone who threatened their personal and economic security, especially immigrants. He also makes no effort to hide his taste for fast food, like any ordinary person.
Bandwagon — Early in the campaign, especially before primary voting began in January 2016, most pundits dismissed the likelihood of Trump as a serious candidate.
But after winning some early primaries, his popularity among Republican voters soared and he became the front-runner. Despite the work of some party “establishment” figures to find an alternative, the Trump bandwagon rolled on and made him the presumptive nominee well before all of the primary voting was finished. Once he was elected, he claimed that it was because of a “movement” that swept him into office.
Donald Trump,master propagandist? Seems there is evidence to say so.
